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Over the past 15 years, New York City has made strong progress in improving education outcomes for students,particularly related to high school graduation and college enrollment. But we still see drastic disparities for youngpeople in the areas of college completion and employment across lines of race, ethnicity, and household income.These inequities have sharpened during recent periods of overall economic growth, highlighting how increasinginequality, gentrification, and community segregation remain persistent challenges to inclusivity and sharedprosperity. This report will discuss how an expansion and enhancement of work-based learning can combatthese trends.
New York Community Trust;
The NYC COVID-19 Response & Impact Fund was created to aid nonprofit service providers struggling with the initial health and economic effects of the coronavirus pandemic. It raised more than $110 million from more than 1,300 donations and gave financial assistance to NYC-based organizations through 764 grants and 45 loans. It distributed more than $73 million in grants through The Trust and more than $37 million in no-interest loans through the Nonprofit Finance Fund.This report provides a closer look at the fund's grant program, the nonprofits it supported, and the road ahead.
Data Collaborative for Justice at John Jay College;
In this report, the Data Collaborative for Justice (DCJ) examines how New York City's enforcement rates have changed from 2003 to 2018, adding four additional years of data to update our prior report, Tracking Enforcement Rates in New York City, 2003-2014. This report builds on DCJ's prior research by (1) examining whether declines in enforcement continued in recent years, (2) situating those trends within the context of criminal justice policy over the past 30 years, and (3) examining any changes in disparities in enforcement by race/ethnicity, age, and sex. The data presented in this report serve to anchor the important, ongoing conversations surrounding fairness and equity in the criminal legal system.
Data Collaborative for Justice at John Jay College;
In this report, the Data Collaborative for Justice (DCJ) presents analyses on criminal convictions in New York City from 1980 through 2019, using data provided by the New York State Division of Criminal Justice Services. DCJ presents the number of criminal convictions that have accumulated over the course of these four decades, broken down by charge severity (i.e., misdemeanor vs. felony), charge type (e.g., drug charges or property-related charges) and demographics (i.e., race/ethnicity, sex, and age). DCJ also documents the number of individuals who have criminal convictions on their records, including the race/ethnicity, sex, and age of people with conviction records. Finally, DCJ analyzes individuals' conviction records to assess how long ago these convictions occurred and the number and type of charges that make up conviction records.
Court Watch NYC;
Ahead of new statewide bail reform legislation taking effect on January 1, 2020, this publication from our collaborative prosecutorial accountability project, Court Watch NYC, highlights the importance of the reforms and the work left to be done, provides examples from court illustrating how prosecutors are already attempting to subvert the law, and why we'll be watching to hold them accountable in the new year.
Brooklyn Community Bail Fund;
As a follow up to our 2017 report "License & Registration Please," this report documents commercial bail bond company compliance with recently passed New York City and existing New York State laws meant to increase oversight of the predatory commercial bail bond industry.
Vera Institute of Justice;
n April 2019, New York passed legislation on bail reform to update a set of state pretrial laws that had remained largely untouched since 1971. Compared to California's Senate Bill 10, passed in August 2018, or New Jersey's Bail Reformand Speedy Trial Act, enacted in January 2017, New York's new bail law received relatively little media coverage or national press. To many interested in bail and pretrial justice, New York's reform seemed un-newsworthy as it didn't go as far as originally promised to eliminate money bail entirely.Yet the relative lack of fanfare over the passage of New York's new bail law belies its historic and transformative potential to end mass incarceration at the local level. If implemented effectively, a conservative estimate of the legislation's impact suggests that New York can expect at least a 40 percent reduction overall in the state'spretrial jail population.1 That bests the 30.4 percent reduction achieved by bail reform in New Jersey, and the anticipated impact of Senate Bill 10 in California— which is currently on hold pending a challenge by the bail bond industry—if it goes into effect in 2020.What exactly comprises New York's new bail law? What inspired this set of reforms? Can bail reform truly claim to be bold if money isn't eliminated entirely? And what precedent might New York's model of bail reform set for other jurisdictions?This primer provides historical context and an overview of the legislation itself, highlights five unique aspects of the legislation, and offers a few thoughts for how the wins in New York can inspire more comprehensive and transformative bail reform elsewhere.
Doris Duke Charitable Foundation;
The purpose of this study was to assess the state of agencies created by, for, and about ALAANA culture and communities in New York City. These organizations had to have established operating budgets of $200,000 or more. This budgetary threshold was established as a marker of organizations that were more likely to have existing data available in external databases, be eligible for funding consideration by institutional grantmakers, and have the capacity to fill out the survey or participate in the in-person conversations.
The Student Safety Act (SSA) requires that the New York City Police Department publically issue quarterly reports on arrests, summonses, and other police-involved incidents in New York City public schools.i The 2017 calendar year is the second year in which the NYPD reported on activity in schools by officers outside of the School Safety Division, giving a more complete picture of the impact police have on the educational environment. iiSince 2012, the number of arrests and summonses issued by School Safety Officers (SSOs) has consistently declined. In 2017, SS0s were responsible for less than 15% of arrests and 2% of summonses. However, the vast majority of police interactions with students in school are not with the school safety officers specially trained to work with youth in schools, but with other law enforcement officials, including armed patrol officers. In addition, 366 arrests (29% of total arrests in schools) were for incidents that occured off school grounds and had no relationship to the school, indicating that police may be using schools as a place to locate and arrest young people for non-school related offenses. This practice sends the harmful message that kids in trouble should stay away from school.The School Safety Division has made a significant effort to reduce the use of summonses for non-criminal offenses. In 2017 they issued just 18 summonses, down from 1,275 in 2012. Summonses for disorderly conduct, including unreasonable noise, fighting and obscene language, are not an appropriate response to student misbehavior. However, precinct officers are not required to follow the same procedures as the School Safety Division, and officers issued nearly 900 summonses, sending children into the criminal justice system for misbehavior.Black and Latino students continue to bear the burden of arrests, summonses, and police interactions in school, and the city has failed its responsibility to reduce the racial disparities in its school safety program. Black and Latino students represent 66.9 % of the student body, but 90.2% of arrests and 89.3% of summonses in school. They also accounted for 88.4% of child-in-crisis incidents, 87.9% of juvenile reports, and 89.5% of mitigated incidents. Students of color were also more likely than white students to be handcuffed for school misbehavior, even where there is no criminal activity. Black and Latino students accounted for 92.5% of juvenile reports and 94.4% of mitigated incidents where handcuffs were used, as well as 93.4% of child-in-crisis incidents where handcuffs were used.
Coalition for the Homeless;
New York City reached a grim new milestone at the close of 2017: Last December, an average of 63,495 men, women, and children slept in City homeless shelters each night – an all-time record. To put this in context, only nine cities in the entire state of New York have populations larger than New York City's sheltered homeless population. Three-quarters of New Yorkers sleeping in shelters are members of homeless families, including 23,600 children. An 82 percent increase in homelessness over the past decade speaks to the severe shortage of affordable housing – fed by the combination of rising rents and stagnating incomes – along with devastating policy decisions that have limited access to affordable and supportive housing for homeless and extremely low-income New Yorkers. State of the Homeless 2018 articulates the steps necessary for the City and State to make a meaningful and lasting impact on this tragedy of historic proportions.
Urban Politics and Governance Research Group at McGill University (UPGO);
This report provides a comprehensive analysis of Airbnb activity in New York City and the surrounding region in the last three years (September 2014 - August 2017). Relying on new methodologies to analyze big data, we set out to answer four questions:1. Where is Airbnb activity located in New York, and how is it changing?2. Who makes money from Airbnb in New York?3. How much housing has Airbnb removed from the market in New York?4. Is Airbnb driving gentrification in New York?
Court Watch NYC;
The first issue-based zine from Court Watch NYC, a collaborative prosecutorial accountability project between the Brooklyn Community Bail Fund, VOCAL-NY and 5 Boro Defenders. This zine features findings from over 423 hours of observing how drug cases are handled in Brooklyn and Manhattan arraignments.